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Redistricting cases heard by the Supreme Court of the United States


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As the nation's court of last resort, the U.S. Supreme Court has heard various cases throughout its history regarding the drawing of congressional and legislative district lines. When the high court issues rulings in these cases, the precedents established affect redistricting practices throughout the country.

This article summarizes 18 noteworthy redistricting cases that the court has heard since 1946, including links to additional information about each of them.

Is there a case you think should be included on this list? Click here to let us know.

To see these cases displayed in a timeline, see this article.

Redistricting cases by year

This section lists 18 summaries of noteworthy redistricting cases heard by the U.S. Supreme Court in reverse chronological order.

The decision to include a case as noteworthy is based on Ballotpedia's criteria for inclusion, which were drafted and adopted in April 2017. These criteria were developed by our professional writers and editors and approved by our senior editorial team. For more information on our selection criteria for noteworthy cases, click here.

Alexander v. South Carolina State Conference of the NAACP (2024)

See also: Alexander v. South Carolina State Conference of the NAACP

Alexander v. South Carolina State Conference of the NAACP is a case that was decided by the Supreme Court of the United States on May 23, 2024, during the court's October 2023-2024 term. The case was argued before the Court on October 11, 2023.

The Court partially reversed the U.S. District Court for the District of South Carolina's ruling and partially remanded the case for further proceedings in a 6-3 ruling, holding "the District Court’s finding that race predominated in the design of District I in the Enacted Plan was clearly erroneous. ... Because the same findings of fact and reasoning that guided the court’s racial-gerrymandering analysis also guided the analysis of the Challengers’ independent vote-dilution claim, that conclusion also cannot stand. ... In light of these two errors in the District Court’s analysis, a remand is appropriate."[1] Justice Samuel Alito delivered the majority opinion of the court. Justice Clarence Thomas filed an opinion concurring in part. Justice Elena Kagan filed a dissenting opinion, joined by Justices Sonia Sotomayor and Ketanji Brown Jackson. Click here for more information about the ruling.

For more information and background about the issues presented regarding redistricting in South Carolina after the 2020 census, click here.

HIGHLIGHTS

  • The issue: The case concerned a challenge to the congressional redistricting plan that the South Carolina legislature enacted after the 2020 census.
  • The questions presented: "1. Did the district court err when it failed to apply the presumption of good faith and to holistically analyze District 1 and the General Assembly's intent?
    "2. Did the district court err in failing to enforce the alternative-map requirement m this circumstantial case?
    "3. Did the district court err when it failed to disentangle race from politics?
    "4. Did the district court err in finding racial predominance when it never analyzed District l's compliance with traditional districting principles?
    "5. Did the district court clearly err in finding that the General Assembly used a racial target as a proxy for politics when the record showed only that the General Assembly was aware of race, that race and politics are highly correlated, and that the General Assembly drew districts based on election data?
    "6. Did the district court err in upholding the intentional discrimination claim when it never even considered whether-let alone found that-District 1 has a discriminatory effect?"[2]
  • The outcome: The U.S. Supreme Court partially reversed the District of South Carolina's ruling and partially remanded the case for further proceedings.
  • Moore v. Harper (2022)

    See also: Moore v. Harper

    Moore v. Harper is a case that was decided by the Supreme Court of the United States on June 27, 2023, during the court's October 2022-2023 term. The case was argued before the Supreme Court of the United States on December 7, 2022.

    HIGHLIGHTS

  • The issue: The case concerned the elections clause in Article I, section 4 of the Constitution and whether state legislatures alone are empowered by the Constitution to regulate federal elections without oversight from state courts. Click here to learn more about the case's background.
  • The questions presented: "Whether a State's judicial branch may nullify the regulations governing the "Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives . . . prescribed . . . by the Legislature thereof," U.S. CONST. art. I, § 4, cl. 1, and replace them with regulations of the state courts' own devising, based on vague state constitutional provisions purportedly vesting the state judiciary with power to prescribe whatever rules it deems appropriate to ensure a "fair" or "free" election."[2]
  • The outcome: The court affirmed the decision of the North Carolina Supreme Court in a 6-3 ruling, holding that the state court had the authority to decide whether North Carolina's congressional district boundaries complied with state law.
  • Merrill v. Milligan (2022)

    See also: Merrill v. Milligan
    Note: This case was previously known as Merrill v. Milligan; it became Allen v. Milligan when Wes Allen became the Alabama Secretary of State.

    Allen v. Milligan is a case that was decided by the Supreme Court of the United States on June 8, 2023, during the court's October 2022-2023 term. The case was argued before the court on October 4, 2022. It was consolidated with Allen v. Caster. In a 5-4 opinion, the court affirmed the judgment of the United States District Court for the Northern District of Alabama, holding that the plaintiffs showed a reasonable likelihood of success concerning their claim that Alabama's redistricting map (HB1) violates Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. Chief Justice John Roberts delivered the opinion of the court.[3][4]

    HIGHLIGHTS

  • The case: A group of Alabama voters and organizations sued Secretary of State John Merrill (R) and the House and Senate redistricting chairmen, Rep. Chris Pringle (R) and Sen. Jim McClendon (R). Plaintiffs alleged the congressional map enacted on Nov. 4, 2021, by Gov. Kay Ivey (R) unfairly distributed Black voters. The plaintiffs asked the lower court to invalidate the enacted congressional map and order a new map with instructions to include a second majority-Black district. Click here to learn more about the cases' background details.
  • The issues: The cases concerned the Voting Rights Act and redistricting.
  • The question presented: Did Alabama's 2021 redistricting plan for its seven U.S. House of Representatives seats violate Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act?[5]
  • The outcome: The court affirmed the judgment of the United States District Court for the Northern District of Alabama, holding that the plaintiffs showed a reasonable likelihood of success concerning their claim that Alabama's redistricting map (HB1) violates Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. Chief Justice John Roberts delivered the opinion of the court.[3][4]
  • Benisek v. Lamone (2017)

    See also: Benisek v. Lamone

    Benisek v. Lamone is a case that was decided by the Supreme Court of the United States on June 18, 2018, which held that the plaintiffs, seven Republican voters in Maryland, failed to demonstrate that they would suffer irreparable harm if an injunction was not granted barring enforcement of a new congressional district map in the state. The Supreme Court affirmed the district court's decision to deny the plaintiffs an injunction.

    On December 8, 2017, the court added the case to its docket for the term, consenting to a hearing on the merits. Oral argument in the case took place on March 28, 2018. The judgment under review came from the United States District Court for the District of Maryland.[6]

    HIGHLIGHTS

  • The case: Seven Republicans, all of whom lived and voted in Maryland's Sixth Congressional District prior to its reconfiguration in the 2010 redistricting cycle, claimed that state lawmakers altered the boundaries of the 6th District in order to dilute the impact of Republican votes. The plaintiffs alleged that this action was deliberate and effective, constituting a violation of their First Amendment right to protection from official retaliation for political beliefs.
  • The issue: "(1) Did the [district court] err in holding that, to establish an actual, concrete injury in a First Amendment retaliation challenge to a partisan gerrymander, a plaintiff must prove that the gerrymander has dictated and will continue to dictate the outcome of every election held in the district under the gerrymandered map? (2) Did the [district court] err in holding that the Mt. Healthy burden-shifting framework is inapplicable to First Amendment retaliation challenges to partisan gerrymanders? (3) Regardless of the applicable legal standards, did the [district court] err in holding that the present record does not permit a finding that the 2011 gerrymander was a but-for cause of the Democratic victories in the district in 2012, 2014, or 2016?" More information on the Mt. Healthy burden-shifting framework and but-for causes is presented below.
  • The outcome: On June 18, 2018, the Supreme Court of the United States issued a per curiam opinion in Benisek v. Lamone, affirming a district court decision that had denied the plaintiffs' request for a preliminary injunction barring enforcement of a challenged congressional district map. The court determined that the plaintiffs failed to demonstrate that they would suffer irreparable harm if an injunction were not granted. The court also found that the plaintiffs had failed to demonstrate that an injunction would serve the public interest. The court did not speak to the broader question of whether partisan gerrymandering claims are justiciable. The court's opinion can be accessed here.
  • Gill v. Whitford (2017)

    Inside the U.S. Supreme Court.

    See also: Gill v. Whitford

    Gill v. Whitford is a case decided by the Supreme Court of the United States on June 18, 2018, which held that the plaintiffs, twelve registered Democratic voters in Wisconsin, failed to show sufficient evidence of personal harm to have standing to challenge the state's legislative redistricting plan as an unconstitutional partisan gerrymander. The case was remanded to the district court. Argument in the case was held on October 3, 2017. The judgment under review was from the United States District Court for the Western District of Wisconsin.

    In a July 21, 2017, talk addressing Duke University Law School's D.C. Summer Institute on Law and Policy, Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg suggested that Gill was "perhaps the most important" case the court would hear during its October 2017 term, noting that "so far, the court has held race-based gerrymandering unconstitutional but has not found a manageable, reliable measure of fairness for determining whether a partisan gerrymander violates the Constitution."[7][8][9]

    HIGHLIGHTS

  • The case: Twelve registered Democratic voters in Wisconsin challenged the state's legislative redistricting plan, known as Act 43, as an unconstitutional partisan gerrymander in violation of the First and Fourteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution.
  • The issue: Does Act 43, the state's legislative redistricting plan, create an unconstitutional partisan gerrymander?
  • The outcome: On June 18, 2018, the court ruled that the plaintiffs had failed to demonstrate standing to bring the suit under Article III of the United States Constitution. The court's opinion, penned by Chief Justice John Roberts, did not address the broader question of whether partisan gerrymandering claims can be brought to trial under the U.S. Constitution and remanded the case to the lower court for further proceedings. Roberts was joined in the majority opinion by Associate Justices Anthony Kennedy, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Stephen Breyer, Samuel Alito, Sonia Sotomayor, and Elena Kagan. Kagan penned a concurring opinion joined by Ginsburg, Breyer, and Sotomayor. Associate Justice Clarence Thomas penned an opinion that concurred in part with the majority opinion and in the judgment, joined by Associate Justice Neil Gorsuch.
  • Harris v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission (2016)

    See also: Harris v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission

    Harris v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission is a case decided by the United States Supreme Court on April 20, 2016. At issue was the constitutionality of state legislative districts that were created by the commission in 2012. The plaintiffs, a group of Republican voters, alleged that "the commission diluted or inflated the votes of almost two million Arizona citizens when the commission intentionally and systematically overpopulated 16 Republican districts while under-populating 11 Democrat districts." This, the plaintiffs argued, constituted a partisan gerrymander. The plaintiffs claimed that the commission placed a disproportionately large number of non-minority voters in districts dominated by Republicans; meanwhile, the commission allegedly placed many minority voters in smaller districts that tend to vote Democratic. As a result, the plaintiffs argued, more voters overall were placed in districts favoring Republicans than in those favoring Democrats, thereby diluting the votes of citizens in the Republican-dominated districts. The defendants countered that the population deviations resulted from legally defensible efforts to comply with the Voting Rights Act and obtain approval from the United States Department of Justice. At the time of redistricting, certain states were required to obtain preclearance from the justice department before adopting redistricting plans or making other changes to their election laws—a requirement struck down by the United States Supreme Court in Shelby County v. Holder (2013).[11]

    HIGHLIGHTS

  • On April 20, 2016, the court ruled unanimously that the plaintiffs had failed to prove that a partisan gerrymander had taken place. Instead, the court found that the commission had acted in good faith to comply with the Voting Rights Act.[12]
  • Questions presented: "(1) Whether the desire to gain partisan advantage for one political party justifies intentionally creating over-populated legislative districts that results in tens of thousands of individual voters being denied Equal Protection because their individual votes are devalued, violating the one-person, one-vote principle; and (2) whether the desire to obtain favorable preclearance review by the Justice Department permits the creation of legislative districts that deviate from the one-person, one-vote principle, and, even if creating unequal districts to obtain preclearance approval was once justified, whether this is still a legitimate justification after Shelby County v. Holder."[13]
  • Evenwel v. Abbott (2016)

    See also: Evenwel v. Abbott

    Evenwel v. Abbott is a case decided by the United States Supreme Court in 2016. At issue was the constitutionality of state legislative districts in Texas. The plaintiffs, Sue Evenwel and Edward Pfenninger, argued that district populations ought to take into account only the number of registered or eligible voters residing within those districts. Total population counts have typically been used for redistricting purposes. Total population tallies include non-voting residents, such as illegal immigrants, prisoners and children. The plaintiffs alleged that this tabulation method dilutes the voting power of citizens residing in districts that are home to smaller concentrations of non-voting residents. Oral arguments took place on December 8, 2015.[14][15][13][16]

    HIGHLIGHTS

  • The court ruled 8-0 on April 4, 2016, that a state or locality can use total population counts for redistricting purposes.[13][17][18][12]
  • According to the court's majority opinion, penned by Associate Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, "What constitutional history and our prior decisions strongly suggest, settled practice confirms. Adopting voter-eligible apportionment as constitutional command would upset a well-functioning approach to districting that all 50 states and countless local jurisdictions have followed for decades, even centuries. Appellants have shown no reason for the court to disturb this longstanding use of total population."[13][19][20][12]
  • Arizona State Legislature v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission (2015)

    See also: Arizona State Legislature v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission

    Arizona State Legislature v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission is a case that was decided by the United States Supreme Court. At issue was the constitutionality of the Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission, which was established by state constitutional amendment in 2000. According to Article 1, Section 4, of the United States Constitution, "the Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof." The state legislature argued that the use of the word "legislature" in this context is literal; therefore, only a state legislature may draw congressional district lines. Meanwhile, the commission contended that the word "legislature" ought to be interpreted more broadly to mean "the legislative powers of the state," including voter initiatives and referenda.[15][21]

    HIGHLIGHTS

  • On June 29, 2015, the United States Supreme Court ruled 5-4 in favor of the Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission. The court ruled that "redistricting is a legislative function, to be performed in accordance with the state's prescriptions for lawmaking, which may include the referendum and the governor's veto."[12][22]
  • Shelby County v. Holder (2013)

    See also: Shelby County v. Holder

    Shelby County v. Holder, a major case decided by the United States Supreme Court in 2013, declared Section 4(b) of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 unconstitutional, removing preclearance requirements for all jurisdictions unless the preclearance formula of Section 4(b) is updated by Congress.

    HIGHLIGHTS

  • On June 25, 2013, in a 5-4 decision, the Supreme Court struck down Section 4(b) as unconstitutional, as it exceeded Congress' power to enforce the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. The majority opinion was delivered by Chief Justice John Roberts, joined by Justices Antonin Scalia, Anthony Kennedy, Clarence Thomas, and Samuel Alito. The majority reasoned that the disparate treatment of the states was "based on 40-year-old facts having no logical relationship to the present day" and that a state cannot be subject to preclearance because of past discrimination.[23] The court did not determine whether Section 5 is also unconstitutional. However, because Section 5 is only applied to jurisdictions covered by 4(b), Section 5 is effectively rendered inoperable unless Section 4(b) is replaced.[23]
  • Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act requires certain state and local governments to clear changes in election laws with the United States Attorney General or the United States District Court for the District of Columbia prior to their enactment. This process is known as preclearance. Section 4(b) contains a formula used to determine which governments are subject to the preclearance requirement of Section 5.[24]
  • Vieth v. Jubelirer (2004)

    See also: Vieth v. Jubelirer

    Vieth v. Jubelirer was a case decided by the Supreme Court of the United States in 2004. The case was brought by a group of Pennsylvania Democrats who alleged that the state legislature, controlled by Republicans at the time of the 2000 redistricting cycle, had developed a congressional district map that constituted an illegal partisan gerrymander. On April 28, 2004, the court issued a split decision with no majority opinion, declining to intervene in the case. Consequently, the case established no precedent regarding claims of unconstitutional partisan gerrymandering.[25]

    HIGHLIGHTS

  • The case: The plaintiffs in the case alleged that Pennsylvania's congressional redistricting plan violated the one-person, one-vote provision of the United States Constitution. The plaintiffs also claimed that the plan represented an unconstitutional partisan gerrymander. A federal district court ruled that the plan did violate the one-person, one-vote principle, but it dismissed the partisan gerrymandering claims.
  • The issue: "Can voters affiliated with a political party sue to block implementation of a Congressional redistricting plan by claimed that it was manipulated for purely political reasons?"[25]
  • The outcome: The court issued a split decision with no majority opinion. Consequently, the district court's ruling stood, and no precedent was established regarding claims of partisan gerrymandering.
  • Davis v. Bandemer (1986)

    See also: Davis v. Bandemer

    Davis v. Bandemer was a case decided by the Supreme Court of the United States in 1986. The case was brought by a group of Indiana Democrats who alleged that the apportionment of Indiana's state legislature diluted the impact of Democratic votes in key districts in violation of the Equal Protection Clause of the Amendment XIV, United States Constitution. On June 30, 1986, the high court ruled that Indiana's district plans did not constitute an illegal partisan gerrymander. The court did, however, maintain that partisan gerrymandering claims are justiciable under the Equal Protection Clause (i.e., that federal courts have the right to intervene in such matters).[26]

    HIGHLIGHTS

  • The case: The plaintiffs in the case, a group of Indiana Democrats, alleged that the apportionment of Indiana's state legislature diluted the impact of Democratic votes in key districts in violation of the Equal Protection Clause of the Amendment XIV, United States Constitution.
  • The issue: "Is political gerrymandering justiciable," and, if so, "did the districting in Indiana violate the Constitution's Equal Protection Clause?"
  • The outcome: The court ruled that Indiana's district plans did not constitute an illegal partisan gerrymander. The court did, however, maintain that partisan gerrymandering claims are justiciable under the Equal Protection Clause (i.e., that federal courts have the right to intervene in such matters).
  • Thornburg v. Gingles (1986)

    See also: Thornburg v. Gingles

    Thornburg v. Gingles, a case decided by the United States Supreme Court in 1986, rendered districts of the General Assembly of North Carolina invalid on the basis that the districts impaired the ability of black voters to elect candidates of their choice. In this ruling, the high court established three criteria for analyzing claims of vote dilution.[27]

    Avery v. Midland County (1968)

    See also: Avery v. Midland County

    Avery v. Midland County was a case decided by the Supreme Court of the United States in 1968. The case was brought by Hank Avery, then-mayor of Midland, Texas, who alleged that the apportionment of Midland County's Commissioners Court violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution due to population disparities between the districts from which the commissioners were elected. On April 1, 1968, the high court ruled 5-3 in favor of Avery.[28]

    HIGHLIGHTS

  • The case: The plaintiff in the case alleged that the apportionment of Midland County's Commissioners Court violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to United States Constitution due to population disparities between the districts from which the commissioners were elected.
  • The outcome: The court ruled 5-3 in favor of Avery.
  • Reynolds v. Sims (1964)

    The Supreme Court of the United States.

    See also: Reynolds v. Sims

    Reynolds v. Sims is a case decided on June 15, 1964, by the United States Supreme Court holding that state legislative districts should be made up of equal populations. The case concerned whether the apportionment of Alabama's state legislature violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution. The Supreme Court affirmed the decision of the United States District Court for the Middle District of Alabama.[29][30][31]

    HIGHLIGHTS

  • The case: The plaintiffs in the case alleged that the apportionment of Alabama's state legislature violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution. At the time, the Alabama Constitution required that each county have at least one representative and that there be as many senators as there were senatorial districts; these conditions created population variations between state legislative districts.
  • The issue: "Did Alabama's apportionment scheme violate the Fourteenth Amendment's Equal Protection Clause by mandating at least one representative per county and creating as many senatorial districts as there were senators, regardless of population variances?"
  • The outcome: The Supreme Court affirmed the decision of the U.S. District Court for the Middle District of Alabama and held that legislative districts within a state must have substantially equal populations.
  • Wesberry v. Sanders (1964)

    See also: Wesberry v. Sanders

    Wesberry v. Sanders was a case decided by the Supreme Court of the United States in 1964. The case was brought by James P. Wesberry, Jr., against Georgia Governor Carl Sanders. Wesberry alleged that the population of the Georgia's Fifth Congressional District, his home district, was two to three times larger than that of other districts in the state, thereby diluting the impact of his vote relative to other Georgia residents in violation of the United States Constitution. On February 17, 1964, the court ruled 6-3 in favor of Wesberry, finding that congressional districts must have nearly equal populations in order to ensure that "as nearly as is practicable, one man's vote in a congressional election is to be worth as much as another's."[32][33]

    HIGHLIGHTS

  • The case: James P. Wesberry, Jr., the plaintiff, alleged that, because the population of his congressional district was two to three times larger than that of other congressional districts in Georgia, the impact of his vote had been diluted relative to other state residents, violating the United States Constitution.
  • The issue: "Did Georgia's congressional districts violate the Fourteenth Amendment or deprive citizens of the full benefit of their right to vote?""[32]
  • The outcome: The court ruled 6-3 in favor of Wesberry, finding that the population disparities between Georgia's congressional districts violated the U.S. Constitution. The court held that "as nearly as is practicable, one person's vote in a congressional election is to be worth as much as another's."
  • Gray v. Sanders (1963)

    See also: Gray v. Sanders

    Gray v. Sanders was a case decided by the Supreme Court of the United States in 1963. The case was brought by a Georgia voter who alleged that the state's system for counting primary votes (described in court documents as the county unit voting system) violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Amendment XIV, United States Constitution, giving disproportionate influence to voters in rural counties. On March 18, 1963, the Supreme Court of the United States ruled 8-1 that the county unit voting system violated the Equal Protection Clause.[34][35]

    HIGHLIGHTS

  • The case: The plaintiffs in the case alleged that the state's system for counting primary votes (described in court documents as the county unit voting system) violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Amendment XIV, United States Constitution, giving disproportionate influence to voters in rural counties.
  • The issue: "Does the county unit voting system violate the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution?"
  • The outcome: The court ruled 8-1 that the county unit voting system violated the Equal Protection Clause.
  • Baker v. Carr (1962)

    See also: Baker v. Carr

    Baker v. Carr is a case decided by the Supreme Court of the United States in 1962. The case was brought by a group of Tennessee voters who alleged that the apportionment of Tennessee's state legislature failed to account for significant population variations between districts, violating the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to United States Constitution. A federal court dismissed the complaint, finding that it lacked jurisdiction to intervene in such matters. On March 26, 1962, the Supreme Court of the United States ruled 6-2 in favor of the plaintiffs, finding that apportionment cases are justiciable (i.e., that federal courts have the right to intervene in such cases).[36]

    HIGHLIGHTS

  • The case: The plaintiffs alleged that the apportionment of the Tennessee General Assembly failed to account for significant population variations between districts, violating the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to United States Constitution. A federal district court rejected this complaint, finding that it lacked jurisdiction to intervene in such matters.
  • The issue: "Did the Supreme Court have jurisdiction over questions of legislative apportionment?"
  • The outcome: The court ruled 6-2 in favor of the plaintiffs, finding that apportionment cases are justiciable (i.e., that federal courts have the right to intervene in such cases).
  • Colegrove v. Green (1946)

    See also: Colegrove v. Green

    Colegrove v. Green was a case decided by the Supreme Court of the United States in 1946. The case was brought by three Illinois voters who alleged that the state's congressional districts "lacked compactness of territory and approximate equality of population," violating the United States Constitution. The high court affirmed the decision of a federal district court, which had dismissed the complaint on the grounds that no requirements relating to compactness, contiguity, or equality of population existed within the canon of federal law.[37]

    HIGHLIGHTS

  • The case: The plaintiffs alleged that Illinois' congressional districts "lacked compactness of territory and approximate equality of population," violating the United States Constitution.
  • The issue: "Did the Illinois congressional districts unconstitutionally violate principles of fair apportionment?"
  • The outcome: The court issued a 4-3 ruling affirming the decision of a federal district court, which had dismissed the complaint on the grounds that no requirements relating to compactness, contiguity, or equality of population existed within the canon of federal law.
  • See also

    Footnotes

    1. U.S. Supreme Court, Alexander v. South Carolina State Conference of the NAACP, decided May 23, 2024
    2. 2.0 2.1 U.S. Supreme Court, "22-807 ALEXANDER V. SC CONFERENCE OF THE NAACP," accessed June 16, 2023 Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; name "qp" defined multiple times with different content
    3. 3.0 3.1 Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named Opinion
    4. 4.0 4.1 Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named SCOTUSblog
    5. Supreme Court of the United States, Merrill v. Milligan, "Questions presented," accessed July 16, 2022
    6. SCOTUSblog, "Court adds seven new cases to merits docket," December 8, 2017
    7. The New York Times, "On Justice Ginsburg's summer docket: blunt talk on big cases," July 31, 2017
    8. The Huffington Post, "Ruth Bader Ginsburg: Gerrymandering case may be most important decision SCOTUS faces," July 22, 2017
    9. YouTube, "A conversation with Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg about the 2016-17 term," published July 26, 2017
    10. Supreme Court of the United States, "Harris v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission: Brief for Appellants," accessed April 18, 2024
    11. 12.0 12.1 12.2 12.3 Supreme Court of the United States, "Harris v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission," April 20, 2016 Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; name "opinion" defined multiple times with different content Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; name "opinion" defined multiple times with different content Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; name "opinion" defined multiple times with different content
    12. 13.0 13.1 13.2 13.3 SCOTUSblog, "Harris v. Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission," accessed December 14, 2015 Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; name "scotusblog" defined multiple times with different content Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; name "scotusblog" defined multiple times with different content Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; name "scotusblog" defined multiple times with different content
    13. The Washington Post, "Supreme Court to hear challenge to Texas redistricting plan," May 26, 2015
    14. 15.0 15.1 The New York Times, "Supreme Court Agrees to Settle Meaning of ‘One Person One Vote,'" May 26, 2015 Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; name "nytimes" defined multiple times with different content
    15. Associated Press, "Supreme Court to hear Texas Senate districts case," April 18, 2024
    16. Supreme Court Brief, "Supreme Court Inadvertently Announces Argument Date in Voting Case," October 5, 2015
    17. Election Law Blog, "Supreme Court Inadvertently Announces Argument Date in Voting Case," October 5, 2015
    18. Supreme Court Brief, "Supreme Court Inadvertently Announces Argument Date in Voting Case," October 5, 2015
    19. Election Law Blog, "Supreme Court Inadvertently Announces Argument Date in Voting Case," October 5, 2015
    20. The Atlantic, "Will the Supreme Court Let Arizona Fight Gerrymandering?" September 15, 2014
    21. The New York Times, "Supreme Court Upholds Creation of Arizona Redistricting Commission," June 29, 2015
    22. 23.0 23.1 SupremeCourt.gov, "Shelby County Alabama v. Holder, Attorney General, et al.," accessed July 6, 2015
    23. Justice.gov, "Section 4 of the Voting Rights Act," accessed July 6, 2015
    24. 25.0 25.1 Oyez, "Vieth v. Jubelirer," accessed June 21, 2017
    25. Oyez, "Davis v. Bandemer," accessed December 12, 2017
    26. United States Commission on Civil Rights, "Voting Rights and Political Representation in the Mississippi Delta," accessed June 3, 2015
    27. Oyez, "Avery v. Midland County," accessed December 13, 2017
    28. Oyez, "Reynolds v. Sims," accessed August 8, 2022
    29. Justia, "Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533 (1964)," accessed August 8, 2022
    30. LexisNexis, "Reynolds v. Sims - 377 U.S. 533, 84 S. Ct. 1362 (1964)," accessed August 8, 2022
    31. 32.0 32.1 Oyez, "Wesberry v. Sanders," accessed December 8, 2017
    32. Rose Institute of State and Local Government, Claremont McKenna College, "Wesberry v. Sanders (1964)," accessed December 8, 2017
    33. Oyez, "Gray v. Sanders," accessed December 13, 2017
    34. Oxford Reference, "Gray v .Sanders," accessed December 13, 2017
    35. Oyez, "Baker v. Carr," accessed December 12, 2017
    36. Oyez, "Colegrove v. Green," accessed December 14, 2017

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    Geoff Pallay, Director of Editorial Content and Editor-in-ChiefKen Carbullido, Vice President of Election Product and Technology StrategyNorm Leahy, Senior EditorDaniel Anderson, Managing EditorRyan Byrne, Managing EditorCory Eucalitto, Managing EditorMandy Gillip, Managing EditorDoug Kronaizl, Local Elections Project ManagerJaclyn BeranMarielle BrickerJoseph BrusgardEmma BurlingameKelly CoyleThomas EllisFrank FestaNicole FisherBrianna HoseaJoseph GreaneyThomas GrobbenJaime Healy-PlotkinTyler KingGlorie MartinezNathan MaxwellEllie MikusJackie MitchellEllen MorrisseyMackenzie MurphyKaley PlatekSamantha PostAdam PowellEthan RiceSpencer RichardsonVictoria RoseBriana RyanMyj SaintylMaddy SaluckaMaddie Sinclair JohnsonAbbey SmithAlexis ThackerJanie ValentineJoel WilliamsSamuel WonacottTrenton Woodcox