CHRISTIANITY AND IDEOLOGICAL CHANGE IN KIEVAN RUS': THE FIRST HUNDRED YEARS*

* This is a revised version of a paper first published in German in Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuro,oas 28 (1980): 334-54 and reprinted in my The Rise of Christian Russia (London: Variorum Reprints, 1982), sec. 1. A etill interesting first attempt at characterizing the impact of christianization on the society and institutions of Rus' was that presented for the nine-hundredth anniversary of the conversion by the great Russian historian V. c7. Kliuchevskii, "Sodeistvie tserkvi uspekham russkogo grazhdanskogo prava i poriadka," in Tvorenüa sv. Ottsov, 4 (1888); reprinted in his Tserkov' i Rossüa (Paris: YMCA Press, 1969), pp. 7-39. See also the methodologically instructive remarks of A. Gieysztor, "Les paliers de la penetration du christianisme en Pologne au Xe et XIe siecles," in Studi in onore di Amiatore .Fanfan.i, 1 (Nlilano: Giuffre, 1962): 327-67; and idem, "La strutturazione eulturale dei paesi slavi nell' alto medioevo," in Settimane di Studio del Ceretro italiano di studi suli' adto medioevo, 11 (Spoletto, 1964): 371-92, Discussione, 425-39.

1, For the state of research, see G. Podskalsky, Christentum und Theologische Literatur in der Kiever Rus'(988-1237) (München: C. H. Beck, 1982), p. 11 ff. The innumerable milleniary papers, published and in press, are of varying significance and need evaluation. Among the several books written on this occasion especially sound are: L. Müller, Die Traufe Russdands (München, E. Wewel, 1987) and W. Vodoff, �aissance de la Chrdtientg russe (Paris: Fayard, 1988). Misleading and undependable are, e.g., the books of 0. M. Rapov, Russkaia tserkou' u IX-pervoi treti XII v.: Priniatie khristianstva (Moscow: Nauka, 1988), and M. lu. Braichevs'kyi, lltuerdzhennia khrystyianstua na Rusi (Kiev,: Naukova dumka, 1988).

2. See A. Gieysztor, "Z r.agadnieä historii kultury staroruskiej: sk-ladniki rodzime i obce," in Studie Historica: W 35-lecie pracy rsaukowej Henryka Lowmiariskiego (Warszawa: Panstwowe Wydawn. Naukowe, 1958), pp. 76-78; V. V. Kolesov, t�2'ir cheloveka v slove drevnei Rusi (Leningrad: Leningradskii univ., 1986) (with word index). About the influence of Christianity on the Russian language, see H. Keipert, "Die Christianisierung Russlands als Gegenstand der russischen Sprachgeschichte," in Tausend Jahre Christentum in Russland (C.�ttingen: Vandenhoek und Ruprecht, 1988), pp. 313-46; also S. S. Averincev, "Das byzantinische Erbe der Rus' und seine Wirkung auf das russische Sprachgefühl," ibidem, pp. 103-12. 3. Cf. W. Philipp, Ansatze zum geschichtlichen und politischen l3enken im Kiewer Russland (Breslau, 1940; reprint Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1967), pp. 6-33, 81 ff.; Sovetskoe istochnikouedenie Kievskoi Rusi (Leningrad: Nauka, 1979), pp. 18-34; D. S. Likhachev, Ixbrannye raboty, 2 (Leningrad: Khudlit, 1987), pp. 30 ff., 43 ff. 4. I. Ia. Froianov, Kieaskaia Rus': d7cherki sotsir�l'o.o-politieheskoi istorii (Leningrad: Leningradskii univ., 1980), pp. 8 ff., 64 ff., 150 ff., 185 ff.; H. Lowmianski, Foczptlti Polski, 3 (Warszawa: Pafastwowe Wydawn. Naukowe, 1967): 478-82, 5 (1973): 125-45, 177-223; K. Zernack, "Fürst und Volk in der ostslavischen Frühzeit," in Forschungen zur osteuropöisch2n Geschichte 18 (1973): 9-23; H. Lowmianski, "0 proiskhozhdenii russkogo boiarstva," in Vostochnaia Europa v drevnosti i srednevekov'e: Sborrtik statei (Moscow: AN SSSR, 1978), pp. 93-100.

5. E. Anitchkoff, "Old Russian Pagan Cults," in Transactions of the Third International Congress for the History of Religions, 2 (Oxford, 1908): 244-59. H. Lowmianski, Religia Slowian i jej rapadek w VI-Xll w. (Warszawa: Pa6stwowe Wydawn. Naukowa, PWN, 1979), pp. 113-19, 400, correctly concludes that the Kievan pantheon as presented in the Primary Chronicle is an artificial combination compiled by the end of the eleventh century. The credihility of this chronicles account is overestimated by P. P. Tolochko, Dreoniaia Rus' (Kiev: Naukova dumka, 1987), p. 56 ff.

6. L. Miiller, "Byzantinische Mission nördlich des Schwarzen Meeres vor dem elften Jahrhundert," in Proceedings of tice XIIIth International Cβngress of J3yzantine Studies, Oxford, 1966 (London, 1967), pp. 29-39; F. Dvornik, Byzantine Missions along the Slavs (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers Univ. Press, 1970), pp. 262-70; D. Obolensky, The Byzantine Commonwealth: Eastern Europe 500-1453 (London: Praeger, 1974), pp. 218-65; idem, "The Balkans in the Ninth Century: Barrier or Bridge?" in Byzantium and the West c. 850-c. 1200, ed. J. D. Howard- JohrL9ton (Amsterdam: Benjamins, 1988), pp. 47-66; I. Sevcenko, "Missions from the Byzantine Point of View," Harvard Ukrainian Studies 12/13 (1989), in preaa; B. N. Floria and G. G. Litavrin, "Christianization of the Nations of Central and South-East Europe and the Conversion of Old Rus'," Byzantino-Sdavica 49 (1988): 185-99. 7. A. Poppe, "The Political Background to the Baptism of Rus'," in Dumbarton Oaks Papers 30 (1976): 195-244. 8. Lowmianstd, Pocz{ltki Polski, 5:9-223; V. T. Pashuto, "The Place of Ancient Rus in the History of Europe," in The Comparatiue Historical Method in Soviet Mediaeval Studies (Moscow: USSR Acad. of Sciences, 1979), pp. 40-53; A. Soloviev, "L'organisation de l'Etat russe au Xe siele," in his Byzance et la formation de l'Etat russe (London: Variorum Reprints, 1979), 1:249-68. See also G. Schramm, "Die Herkunft des Namens Rus': Kritik des Forschungsstandes," in Forschungen zur osteuropäischen Geschichte 30 (1982): 7-49; idem. "Fernhandel und frühe Reichsbildungen am Ostrand Europas: Zur historischen Einordnung der Kiever Rus'," in Staat und Gesellschafi in Mittelalter und früher h'euzeit: Gedenkenschrift für Joachim Leuschner (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1983), pp. 15-39; G. Stökl, "Die Begriffe Reich, Herrschaft und Staat bei

den orthodoxen Slaven," in his Der russische Staat in Mittelalter und früher Neuzeit (Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1981), pp. 74-87. 9. Cf. P. E. Schramm, Kaiser, Körnige und Paste, 3 (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1969): 201-97; K. Leyser, "The Tenth Century in Byzantine-Western Relationships," in Relation between East and West in the Mieidle Ages, ed. D. Baker (Edinburgh: Edinburgh Univ. Press, 1973), p. 41 ff. 10. A. M, Moldovan, ""Slovo o zakone i blagodati" Ilariona (Kiev: Naukova dumka, 1984), p, 91 f. (f. 184b-185a of Sinod. MS). Cf. Phillip, Arcslitze, p. 6 ff.; Likhachev, Izbrannye rabot,y, 2:33 ff.

1 l. W. Vodoff, "La titulature des princes russes du Dz au debutdu XIIe siele et les relations exterieures de la Russie kievienne," Revue des Etudes Siaves 55 (1983): 139-50; sdeirs, "Remarques sur la vateur du terme 'tsar' applique aux princes russes avant le milieu du XVe sic?cle," Oxford Siavonic Pcaners, n.s., 11 (1978): 1-41. With regard to the the term tsar', derived from tsesar' and frequently used in modern historiography of the Kievan period, it must be emphasized that the appearance of this eontract.ion in Rus' as an independent word (and not as an abbreviation in the manuscripts) ia in need of more detailed research but, judging by available data, occurred not earlier than the second half of the thirteenth century and more likely not until the fourteenth. 12. The most important study still is N. A. Lavrovskii, 0 aizantüskom elemente u iazydze dngouorou russkikh s grekami (St. Petersburg, 1853; 2d ed., Warsaw, 1904). For the present state of research, see J. Bardach in Shwnik Starozytnosd 8*iwianskich, 6 (1977): 130-33; and S. M. Kashtanov, Russkaia diplorrsatiho. (Moscow,: Vysshaia shkola, 1988), pp. 58-F5,128,138-39. 13. H. Birnbaum, "The Balkan Slavic Component of Medieval Russian Culture," in Mediaeval dlussian Culture , eds. H. Birnbaum and M. Flier, California, Slavic Studies, 12 (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1984), pp. 3-30; idem, "Old Rus' and Orthodox Balkans: Differences in Kind, Extent and Significance of the Barlier and the Later Cultural Impact," in Cyrillomethodianum, 8-9 (1985): 1-15; I. Thot, "Istoricheskie predposylki vozniknoveniia i rasprostraneniia drevnebulgarskoi pis'mennosti na Rusi," in

DissertationesSlavicae 16 (1984): 149-99; Chr. Hannick, "Der slavobulgarische Faktor bei der Christianisierung der Kiever Rus'," in Slavistische Studien zum X. Internationalen Slavistenkongress in Sofia 1988, ed. R. Olesch and H. Rothe (Köln: Böhlau, 1988), pp. 345-55; F. J. Thomson, "The Bulgarian Contribution to the Reception of Byzantine Culture in Kievan Rus'," Harvard Ukrainian Studies 12J13 (1989), in press. 14. V. Vavrinek, "Kul'turnye i tserkovno-politicheskie predposylki vozniknoveniia slavianskoi liturgii," in �irilo-Metodievski Studü, 4 (Sofia, 1987): 130-37. Cf. D. Freydank, "Byzantinische und bulgarische Tradition in der altrussischen Literatur," in Byzanz in der europäische Staatenwelt (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1983), pp. 127, 132; R. Picchio, "Questione della lingua e Slavia cirillomethodiana," in Studi sulla questione della linqua presso gli Slavi (Roma: Ateneo, 1972), pp. 7-120; Likhachev,, Ixbrannye raboty, 1:45-67.; D. Obolensky, "The Cyrillo-�iethodian Mission: The Scriptural Foundations," St. Vladimir's Theological Quarterly. 30 (1986): 101-16; B. N. Floria, "Slavianskaia pis'mennost' i evropeiskaia kul'tura rannego srednevekovia," Sovetskoe slauianovedenie, No. 2 (1985): 66-70; F. von Lilienfeld, "Das Werk der hll. Brüder Konstantin-Kirill und Methodios und der hll. Mesrop-Mas�toc und Sahak von Armenien: Die theologische Deutung und Begründung der Erfindung der Schrift und einer kirchlichen Literatursprache und Literatur für ein 'neues' Volk," in 5ymposi.um Methodianum (Neuried: Hieronymus, 1988), pp. 193-205; A. Poppe, "Christianisierung und Kirchenorganisation der Ostslawen in der Zeit vom 10. bis zum 13. Jahrhundert," in Österreichische Osthefle 30 (1988): 469-70, 478, 495, 501-02.

17. Cf. L. V. Alekseev, Polotskaia zemlia v dX-Xddl vv. (Moscow: Nauka, 1966), p. 237 ff.; Poppe, The dtise, sec. 6, p. 43 f., sec. 8, pp. 184-89. 18. Moldovan, "Slovo o zakone," p. 93; The Russian- Primary Chronicle, tr. S. H. Cross and tie. P. Sherbowitz-Wetzor (Cambridge, Mass.: Mediaeval Acad. of America, 1953), p. 116. To be sure, the viewpoint of narion and the Kievan Caves Monastery probably did not differ significantly from the views of Bruno of Querfurt, who considered the rulers obligated iuhente evangelio to bring pagans into the Church. On the question of forced conversion to Christianity on the basis of the Gospel's "compel them to enter" (Luke 14:23), see the instructive study by H.-D. Kahl, "Compellere intrare," in Heidennaission und Kre:czzugsgedanke in der deutsehen astpolitik des Mi.ttelalters, ed. H. Beumann (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1963), pp. 177-274.

19. Surprisingly, such views continue to be reinterated. See G. M. Filist, Vuedenie khristianstua na Rusi (Minsk: Belarus', 1988), pp. 155-62. For a complete bibliography of the status of the Rusian Church, see Poppe, 2'he Rise, sec. 3, pp. 5-45, and Podskalsky, t,`hristentum, p. 24 ff. 20. See the basic study by P. Sokolov, Russkü arkiaierei tz Vizantü i pravo ego naznachenüa do nachala 1LV ueka (Kiev: Tip. I. I. Chokolova, 1913), pp. 96-158. Cf. W. Vodoff, '1jan 'parti th�ocratique' dans la Russie du XIIe siecle? Remarquea sur la politique eccltssiastique d'Andrd de Bogoljubovo," in Cahiers de Ciuilisation M�di�uale 17 (1974): 193-215. In English, see E. S. Hurwitz, Prince Andrej Bogoljubskij: The Man and the Myth (Firenze: Licosa, 1980), pp. 23-36. 21. Cf. G. Podskalsky, "Metropolit Ioann II von Kiev (1076/77-1089) als Ökumeniker," in Ostkirchliche Studien 37 (1988): 178-84; A. Dölker, Der Fastenbrief des Metropoliten Nikifor an den Fürsten Vladimir Monomach (Tübingen: Universität Tübingen, 1985); D. Obolensky, Six Byzantine Portraits (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988), pp. 83-114 (on Vladimir, Monomakh).

22. Cf. L. K. Götz, Staat und Kirche in Altrussland: Kiever Periode 9&$-.t240 (Berlin: Duncker, 1908), pp. 42 ff., 127 ff.; Ia. N. Shchapov, "Gosudarstvo i Tserkov' v drevnei Rusi," in Vuedenie khristianstva na uusi. (Moscow,: Mysl', 1987), pp. 124-37; Poppe, Zhe �2ise, sec. 9, pp. 95-119; indem, "Christianisierung," pp. 470-74, 479-82. 23. Nestor the hagiographer in his Vita of St. Feodosii of the Caves Munastery, in Uspenskii sbornik Xll-X..111 tw. (Moscow: Nauka, 1971), p. 120 (f. 58a).

24. There are different opinions about the dating of the princely statutes (see J. Bardach, "Statuty kogcielne na Rusi," in Shwnik Staraäytno�ci S1owianskich, 5 (1975): 403-8), but there is no doubt about the reception of Byzantine nomocanons and of the traditional relationship between church and state from the very beginning. See Shchapov, Vizantüskoe i iuzhnoslavianskoe pravovoe nasledie na Rusi u XI-)UII vo. (Moscow: Nauka, 1978), pp. 100 ff., 234 ff.; D. H. Kaiser, The Growtie of the Laut in Medieval Russia (Priaceton: Princeton, Univ. Press, 1980), pp. 18 ff., 165 ff. 25. Cf. S. I. Radzig, "Antichnoe vliianie v drevnerusskoi kul'ture," Voprosy klassicheskoi filologii 3/4 (1971), pp. 3-65; D. M. Bulanin, "Klassicheskaia kul'tura v drevnei Rusi i problemy ee izucheniia," in Russkaia i gruzinskaia srednevekovye literatur (Leningrad: Nauka, 1979), pp. 30-39. On the limitations, see J. Meyendorf, "From Byzantium to Russia: Religious and Cultural Legacy," in Tausend Jahre Ch.ristentum, pp. 91-92.

26. On books and bookmen in Rus', see A. Poppe in Shwiük Sta.rotytJ1Osci Slnwillliskich, 2 (1964): 544-48; N. N. Rozov, Kniga drevnei Rus' I�i-XIV vv. (Moscow: Kniga, 1977); B. A. Sapunov, Knigcs v Rossii v ä1-13 vv. (Leningrad: Nauka, 1978). On literacy, see Poppe, "Dans la Russie m6di6vale, I£e-XIIIe siecles: lrcriture et culture," Annales 16 (1961):l2-35; idean, "Erziehungs- und Bildungswesen in I�ltrussland,°' in Lexikon des Mittelalters, 8 (München: Artemis, 1986): 2204-7. 27. Cf. Poppe, "Powieäd doroczna," in Slownik Sta.rozytno8ci S.,bwialsidch, 4 (1970): 258-65; Sovetskoe istor·hn.ikovedenie, pp. 13-34; Likhachev, labrannye raiaoty, 2:43-132; 0. V. Tvorogov, '·F'ovest' vremennykh let," in S�ofor' knizhnikov i knizhnosti drevnei T�usi, .XI—pEnMMt polovine � v. (Leningrad: Nauka, 1987), pp. 337-43. See also L. Müller, "Die Chronik-Erzählung über die Taufe Vladimirs des Heiligen," in SiavistiscFze Studien zum X. Internationalen S�afts�e�to�ress, pp. 429-39.

28. Shchapov, "Tserkov' v sisteme gosudarstvennoi vlasti drevnei Rusi," in c�7revnerusskoe �qosudarstvo i ego mezhdunarodnoe znachenie, eds. V. T. Pashuto and L. V. Cherepnin (Moscow: Nauka, 1965), pp. 326-38; Froianov, Kieuskaia r�?us': Ocherki social'no-ekonomicheskoi istorii (Leningrad: Nauka, 1974), pp. 73-87. 29. Poppe, "Proszczennicy," in 5A)VM]JÄ StarujkytnO9C1 Sfcvv1anskich, 4 (1970): 363-64; idem, Then I2ise, sec. 1, p. 346. See a similar interpretation in M. Sverdlov, Genezis i struktura feodal'nogo obshehestva u drevnei �iusi (Leningrad: Nauka, 1983), p.182 ff.

30. Dvornik, "Byzantine Political Ideas in Kievan Russia," Durabarton Oaks Papiers 9/10 (1956), pp. 73-121; I. Sevcenko, "On Some Sources of Prince Svjatoslav's 'Izbornik' of the Year 1076," in Orbis ficriptus: D. Tschiievskij zum 70. Geburtstag (München: 1966), pp. 723-38; Podskalsky, "Der Beitrag der griechischstämmigen Metropoliten (Kiev), Bischöfe und Mönche zur altrussischen Originalliteratur (Theologie) 988-1281," Cahiers du Monr� Russe et Sovi,4(ique 24 (1983): 498-515. Cm, also F. von l.ilienfeld, '"Altkirchliche und mittelalterliche Missionstraditionen und -motive in den Berichten der 'Nestorchronik' über die Taufe Vladimira I des Heiligen," in Slavatische Studien zum X. Internationalen �S'Lavistenkongress, pp. 399-414. 31. Gieysztor, "U�vagi o kulturze Polski najstarszej," Study slavistici in onore di Carlo iferdiani (Pisa: 1979), p. 119; W. B. Wilinbachov, "Struktura kultury staromskiej w X-XII wiekach," Kwartalnik Fxristoryczny 79 (1972): 832-42. On cultural dichotomy, see E. Patlagean, "Discours merit, discours parle: Niveaux de culture ä Byzance aux Vlll'-Xle siäcles," Annales 34 (1979): 264 ff.

32. Moldovan, "Slovo o zakone," p. 211 (zemlia); commentary in L. Müller, Die Werke des Metropolitan Ilarion (München: Wilhem Fink, 1971), pp. 69-74; Igumen Daniil, Chozenie; Abt Daniil, I6'aldfahrtsberieht, ed. K. D. Seemann (München; Wilhem Fink, 1970), pp. 128-29,136,140. 33. It was so viewed by Gervasius ofTiibury in his Otto �mperäaläcx (ca. 1214) and by Then Tale af the Tiestructian af the Rusian Land (ca. 1240). Cf. Poppe, "Christianisierung," pp. 476, 500. 34. H. Paszkiewicz, 2'h.e Taking af the Russäan Nations (London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1963), p. 176 ff.; �avetskaäa istoriografiia Kieuskoi Rusi (Lenin�*rad: Nauka, 1978), pp. 36-42. On the shaping of seliconaciousness of this nation, see A. I. Rogov and B. N. Floria in Razvätäe altnächesäoga samosoznaniia slavianskikh narodov v �pokhu rannego srednevekoväa (Moscow: Nauka, 1982), pp. 96-119. For language, see H. G. Lunt, "On the Relationship of Old Church Siavonic to the Written Language of Early Rus'," Russian Linguistics 11 (1987): 133-58 (with bibliography); Likhachev, Izbrannye raboty, 2:471-80.

35. See Then �lorrcilies of Photius, Patriarch of Constantinople, tr., intro. and commentary by C. Mango (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1958), p. 184 f.; V. N. Lazarev, Storia della pittura bi.zantina (Torino: G. Einaudi, 1967), pp. 125-36; A. M. Panchenko, "Esteticheskie aspekty khristianizatsii Rusi," Russkaia literatura,1988, no.1, pp. 50-59. 36. Cf. Dölker, Der Fastenbrief, pp. 70-71; Dvornik, "Byz. Polit. Ideas," p. 110 ff.; Poppe, 2'he Rise, sec. 9, p. 107 ff. In interpreting this formulation in Metropolitan Nikilbr's letter to Vladimir Monomakh: I t" est' istinnyi ikoun'nik tsesar'skoe i kniaahsskoe ikouny, evmything depends on whether we connect the demonstrative pronoun t" (that one) to "the Lord" mentioned in the preceding sentence or to David and his psalm. And how should we understand the word ikunnik--as the original of the icon or as the maker of the icon (the iconographer)? Perhaps the biblical David is the model being held up here as an example, in which case we have to do with not simply rex imago Dei but rex David

imagoDei. Now the suggestion that ikunnik here is a Slavonieized notation of the Greek eikonikos is plausible, but also possible is that Nikifor's Greek original meant the maker of the icon (eikono-paios, eikono-graphos), and all the more since ikunnik in the sense of 'iconographer' was known as early as the thirteenth century. Taking all this into account, we obtain a more precise interpretation: God is tiie creator of €he model ofthe perfect ruler. 37. fzbornik 1076 g., ed. V. Golyshenko (Moscow: Nauka, 1965). Cf. Philipp, Ansatze, pp. 81-95; M. Hellmann, "Das Herrscherbild in der sogenannten Nestorchronik," in Speculurr�. H'istoriale: Fesdschrift J. Sptirl (Freiburg: 1965), pp. 224-36. 38. Poppe, "The Enthronement of the Prince in Kievan Rus'," in The 17th Byzantine Congress: Abstracts of Slaort Papers (Washington, D.C., 1986), p. 272 ff. For an opposing view, see Dvornik, "Byz. Polit. Ideas," pp. 116-20. 39. Poppe, The f2ise, sec. 6, pp. 29-53, sec. 9, pp. 115-16; N. W. Ingham, "The Sovereign as Martyr, East and West," Slavic and East European Journal 17 (1973): 1.-17; idem, "The Martyred Prince and the Question of Slavic Cultural Continuity in the Early Middle Ages," in Mediaeval Russiah Cullure, pp. 31-53.

40. F. Kämpfer, Das russische Herrscherbild von den Anfängen bis zu Peter dem Grossen: Studien zur Entwicklung palitischer Ikonographie im byzantinischen Kulturkreis (Recklinghausen: A. Bongers, 1978), pp. 110-16. See also S. A. Vysotskii, "Ktitorskaia freska Iaroslava Mudrogo v kievskoi Sofii," in Drevnerusskoe iskusstvo: Xudozhestvennaia kul'tura X-pervoi poloviny XIII veka (Moscow: Nauka, 1988), pp. 120-34. Vysotskii continues to defend his earlier reconstruction, which introduced Prince Vladimir and Princess Q!'ga into the group portrait as mediators between Christ and the donor couple Iaroslav and Irina. His argument deserves serious attention. However, we can assign to the "world of fantasy" the so-called new discoveries of N. N. Nikitenko (in Pamiatniki kul'tury: Ezhegodnik 1986 [Leningrad: Nauka, 1987], pp. 237-43), who wants to date the construction of the stone St. Sophia's to the years 1007-1017 and suggests that the princely group portrait is of Vladimir himself, his porphyrogenite wife Anna, and the children who participated in the ritual dedication of the cathedral, namely, before 15 July 1016. 41. The iconographic lay-out of churches and the special veneration of the icon in Rus' were a result of the iconodules' victory, the triumph of Orthodoxy. See Lazarev, Storia, p. 125 ff.; 0. Demus, "Probleme der byzantinischen Kuppeldarstellung;' Cahiers Archdologues 25 (1976): 101-8. Sophia tou theou, the Wisdom of God, expresaes the victory of Orthodoxy over heresy, and in Rus' particularly the triumph over paganism and the steadfastness of God's presence in the newly baptized country. Cf. S. S. Averintsev, "K uiasneniiu smysla nadpisi nad konkhoi tsentral'noi apsidy Sofii Kievskoi," in Drevnerusskoe iskusstvo: Khudozhestvennaia kul'tura domongol'skoi Rusi (Moscow: Nauka, 1972), pp. 25-49. For the concept of the Wisdom of God, see K. Onasch, Liturgie und Kunst der ®stkirche (Leipzig: 1981), p. 375 ff.; F. v. Lilienfeld, "'Frau Weisheit' in byzantinischen und Karolingischen Quellen des 9. Jahrhunderts: Allegorische Personifikation, Hypostase oder Typos?" in 2`ypos, Symbol, Allegorie bei den östlichen V&tern und ihre Parallelen im Mittedalter, eds. Margot Schmidt with Carl Friedrich Geyer (Regensburg: Pustet, 1983), pp. 146-86 (with bibliography). 42. Cf. Epistola Brunonis ad Henricum regem, in Monumenta Poloniae Historica, n.s., 4.3, ed. J. Karwasinska (Warszawa: Panstwowe Wydawn.

Naukowe, 1973), p. 98 ff.; M. Hermann, "Vladimir der Heilige in der zeitgenossischen abendländischen Überlieferung," JahrBÜcher für Geschichte Osteuropas 7 (1959): 400-8. 43. P. Tolochko, )'storychna tapohra�da starodau'noho Kirva (Kiev: Naukova dumka, 1972), pp. 171-75; E. Mühle, "Die topographisch-städtebauliche Entwicklung Kievs vom Ende des 10. bis zum Ende des 12. Jh. im Licht der archäologischen Forschungen," Jahröticher fidr Geschichte Osteuropas 36 (1988): 373-76; V. 1. Mezentsev, "The Territorial and 1)emogrsphic Development of Medieval Kiev and Other Major Cities of Rus'," The Russi�in Review, in press.

44. On syncretic religiosity, the so-called dvoeverie, see G. Podskalsky's recent "Principal Aspeets and Problems of Theology in Kievan Rus'," Harvard Ukrainian Studies 11 (1987): 274-78. The reproach of a "double faith" referred not only to practices of pagan cultic forms but already in the twelfth Century also to vacillation between the two Christian rites, Latin and Greek. On the practice of prayer, see Podskalsky, "Das Gebet in der Kiever Rus': Seine Formen, seine Rolle, seine Aussagen," Orthodoxes Forum 2 (1988): 177-91. It is significant that almost a Century after the conversion of Rus' Metropolitan John lI, in § 30 of bis canonical respanses--where he takes note of the fact that the sacrament of marriage (bdagoslovenie and venchanie) was characteristics of the princes and boyars while the common people joined in marriage without participation of the Church-cansiders it practical to influence the flock by imposing penance on those who married without the prieatly blessing. Thus the metropolitan does not require the performance of the complete church rite of marriage, which combined the priest's blessing (eulogia) with the placing of crowns on the heads of the bride and groom during the liturgical wedding ceremony. Evidently John II considers the act of erowning not obligatory for "simple people." Singling out the requirement of a priest's benediction of the marriage, the metropolitan shows a good historical knowledge of the wedding rite of the Church and perhaps also of contemporary practice in Byzantium, where evidently the ceremony of crowning itself (stefanl1ma) did not spread to all layers of society. When he requires that weddings take place. "with benediction," the metropolitan undoubtedly has in mind that the Church's part in the wedding rite did not obligatorily have to take place within the walls of a church but could be married out at home; that is to say, he assumes only the partieipation of a priest. This benedictio sacerdotalis vividly recalls the Christian tradition that developed in both West and East starting with the fourth century. No doubt such an "entrance" of the priest with prayer and blessing at a wedding otherwise performed according to pre-Christian custom was practiced in only a part of the populace at the close of the eleventh Century, mainly in cities that considered themselves Christian and recognized in some degree the right of the Church to consecrate marriages. In this area, moreover, the situation in Rus' did not differ from that in Western Europe and evidently was not far behind the Byzantine practice. Therefore, when one grasps the meaning of John II's canonical response, it is hard to agree with the traditional opinion that the metropolitan gives a pessimistic assessment of this problem. Cf. Kaiser, Growth of the Law, p. 168, where the author, moreover, discusses the subject while consistently mistranslating blagoslovenie 'benediction, blessing' as

'consecration.' On the contrary, John points out a way to draw the common people into the Church's wedding practice. For the text, see Pamiatniki drevnerusskogo kanonicheskogo prava, part 1 (St. Petersburg, 1880), no. 1, p. 18. On the history of the church wedding, see the fundamental study by K. Ritzer, Formen, Riten und religiäses i3rauclatum der Eheschliessmtg in den ehristtiehen Kirschen des ersten Jahrtausends, 2nd ed. rev. (Münster: Aschendorffsche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1981). 45. Poppe, "The Building of the Church of St. Sophia in Kiev," Journal of Medieval Flistory ? 7 (1981): 15-66, reprinted in his The Rise, see. 4; A. Komech,

DrevnerusskoezodchestvokontsaK-nachalaXIIv. (Moscow: Nauka, 1987), p. 178 ff. See also Ia. Aseev et al., "Novoe o kompozitsionnom zamysle Sofiiskogo sobora v Kieve," in Dreunerasskoe iskusstva: Khudozhestvennaia kul'tura X pervoi poloviny XIII veka (Moscow: Nauka, 7 988), pp. 13-27; V. Achkasova, "Osnovn.ye problemy issledovaniia Sofii Kievskoi," ibidem, pp. 28-31; P. Rappoport, "K voprosu o stroitel'stve Sofiiskogo sobor a," in St.roitel'stvo i ar�khitektura, No. 3 (1988): 25-26. 46. See Poppe, "Two Concepts of the Conversion of Rus' in the Kievan Writings," Harvard Ukrainian Studies 12/13 (1989), in press.