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The Cultures of the Tophet: Identification and Identity in the Phoenician Diaspora (in Gruen, Cultural Identity and the Peoples of the Ancient Mediterranean, 2011, 388-413)

  • ️https://oxford.academia.edu/JosephineCrawleyQuinn

AI-generated Abstract

This paper explores the relationship between Carthage and its mother city Tyre, emphasizing the cultural and religious practices that persisted despite the colonial context. It highlights instances of tribute and sacrifice, which demonstrate the Carthaginians' commitment to their traditions and identities in a diasporic setting. Additionally, it analyzes inscriptions and markers from Carthage’s tophet, providing insights into the evolving identity of the Phoenician diaspora.

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Figures (6)

The sequence of marker-types can be seen in figure 1. In the earliest phase (800-675/650) the few markers that have been recognized tend to be roughly worked blocks of local sandstone.** In phase 2 (675/650-550/525), these are joined by more articulated monuments, often called “cippi,” including geometric forms. L-shaped “thrones” and, especially, small shrines, or “naiskoi,” which make up about half the markers in this period.*” There is a greater variety of markers in phase 3
The sequence of marker-types can be seen in figure 1. In the earliest phase (800-675/650) the few markers that have been recognized tend to be roughly worked blocks of local sandstone.** In phase 2 (675/650-550/525), these are joined by more articulated monuments, often called “cippi,” including geometric forms. L-shaped “thrones” and, especially, small shrines, or “naiskoi,” which make up about half the markers in this period.*” There is a greater variety of markers in phase 3
It appears then that markers of a wider range of qualities and (so) costs than before were being produced in phase 4, and therefore that the sanctuary was being used by people from a wider range of socioeconomic backgrounds, in addition to the “ethnic” diversity discussed above. This fits in with the evidence of the inscrip- tions, which date very largely to the fourth century and afterward and which record a huge range of professions and positions, from rabs (priests) and sufets (chief
It appears then that markers of a wider range of qualities and (so) costs than before were being produced in phase 4, and therefore that the sanctuary was being used by people from a wider range of socioeconomic backgrounds, in addition to the “ethnic” diversity discussed above. This fits in with the evidence of the inscrip- tions, which date very largely to the fourth century and afterward and which record a huge range of professions and positions, from rabs (priests) and sufets (chief

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